The History of the Eve Hababo People
The boundaries of the new African nations are those of the old British, Belgian, French, German, and Portuguese colonies. They are essentially artificial in the sense that some of them do not correspond with any well-marked ethnic divisions. Because of this, the Ewe, like some other ethnic groups, have remained fragmented under the three different flags, just as they were divided among the three colonial powers after the Berlin Conference of 1844 which partitioned Africa. A portion went to Britain, another to Germany, and a small section in Benin (Dahomey) went to France. After World War I, the Germans-occupied areas were given to Britain and France as mandated territories by the League of Nations. Those who were under the British are now the Ghanaian Ewe, those under the French are Togo, and Benin (Dahomey) Ewe, respectively. And the Anlo Ewe are part of the Ghanaian group.
The Ewe speaking of West Africa inhabit the areas between the River Volta in modern Ghana and the River Mono on the western borders of the Ancient Kingdom of Benin (Dahomey) (see Map 1) . According to linguists, Ewe belongs to the Kwa group of Sudanic languages. The population of all Ewe speaking people has always been a subject of debate. Awoonor (1974:12) writes, "According to various uncoordinated census accounts and estimates, the Ewe may number anywhere between two and five million."
According to oral tradition, present-day Eweland is not the original home of all the Ewe speaking people. There are several accounts of their migration to the present land from various places such as the Sudan, Nigeria, Benin (Dahomey) , and Togoland. Manoukin (1952:12) writes, "All traditions agree that the Ewe speaking people came from somewhere in the north, and though each sub-tribe gives a slightly different version of the story, it seems to be generally accepted that they migrated from a place called Kotu or Amedzowe, somewhere east of the Niger, following a conquest, and thereafter settled down in a place called Notsie, usually considered to Juatja, in which is now French Togoland." Fage (1959:23) says, ". . . the line of migration of the Ewe is remembered as Ketu-Tado -Nuatsi (Notsie)." Akinjogbi (1967:11) , Betho (1949:122) , and some oral historians put the line of migration as Oyo-Ketu-Notsie, or Oyo-Ketu-Tado-Notsie. Whether Oyo or Tado is left out from the line of migration by some groups through forgetfulness or because their stay was very brief and therefore insignificant is not known. At any rate, in all accounts Notsie was their last stop and center of dispersion.
The arrival of the Ewe people in Notsie is placed around (ca. 1500). There is no evidence of how long they were in Notsie. However, depending on what tradition one wants to follow, they either came from Ketu Notsie or Tado to Notsie. Manoukian (1952:12) writes, "According to these traditions, in the three main groups, a northern, a middle and southern group, each of which migrated to, and settled in, different parts of Togoland, their present home."
Notsie, the last stop and center of dispersion, was also a crucial and significant point in the history of the Ewe people, especially Anlo. Notsie is to the Ewe as Egypt is to the Jews. When they arrived in Notsie, their host King Adela Atogble received them well and treated them nicely. After his death, his successor Ago Akoli was different; things were not the same during the new regime. The new king was very hostile and ruled the immigrants with an iron hand. For example, he ordered that all elderly people should be killed, but the Ewe managed to keep one old man in hiding; his name was Tegli. Also, King Ago Akoli ordered the Ewe to make a rope with clay (see Proverb #24).
Notsie was divided into separate quarters inhabited by members of the different migrating groups. Because of the king's repressive acts, the Ewe a secret plan to escape. Tatar (1973:4) writes, "Along with the need for more land and food, malcontents, inspired by the tyrannical rule of Agakoli (King of Notsie in the late 1600's) , instigated another general movement west and south. The groups that migrated are those that make up the Ewe tribe of today." The city of Notsie was encompassed by a 17' X 30' wall to protect its inhabitants from attack. This wall was a barrier to the Ewe in planning their escape However, they finally carried their plan through.
The Ewe speaking of West Africa inhabit the areas between the River Volta in modern Ghana and the River Mono on the western borders of the Ancient Kingdom of Benin (Dahomey) (see Map 1) . According to linguists, Ewe belongs to the Kwa group of Sudanic languages. The population of all Ewe speaking people has always been a subject of debate. Awoonor (1974:12) writes, "According to various uncoordinated census accounts and estimates, the Ewe may number anywhere between two and five million."
According to oral tradition, present-day Eweland is not the original home of all the Ewe speaking people. There are several accounts of their migration to the present land from various places such as the Sudan, Nigeria, Benin (Dahomey) , and Togoland. Manoukin (1952:12) writes, "All traditions agree that the Ewe speaking people came from somewhere in the north, and though each sub-tribe gives a slightly different version of the story, it seems to be generally accepted that they migrated from a place called Kotu or Amedzowe, somewhere east of the Niger, following a conquest, and thereafter settled down in a place called Notsie, usually considered to Juatja, in which is now French Togoland." Fage (1959:23) says, ". . . the line of migration of the Ewe is remembered as Ketu-Tado -Nuatsi (Notsie)." Akinjogbi (1967:11) , Betho (1949:122) , and some oral historians put the line of migration as Oyo-Ketu-Notsie, or Oyo-Ketu-Tado-Notsie. Whether Oyo or Tado is left out from the line of migration by some groups through forgetfulness or because their stay was very brief and therefore insignificant is not known. At any rate, in all accounts Notsie was their last stop and center of dispersion.
The arrival of the Ewe people in Notsie is placed around (ca. 1500). There is no evidence of how long they were in Notsie. However, depending on what tradition one wants to follow, they either came from Ketu Notsie or Tado to Notsie. Manoukian (1952:12) writes, "According to these traditions, in the three main groups, a northern, a middle and southern group, each of which migrated to, and settled in, different parts of Togoland, their present home."
Notsie, the last stop and center of dispersion, was also a crucial and significant point in the history of the Ewe people, especially Anlo. Notsie is to the Ewe as Egypt is to the Jews. When they arrived in Notsie, their host King Adela Atogble received them well and treated them nicely. After his death, his successor Ago Akoli was different; things were not the same during the new regime. The new king was very hostile and ruled the immigrants with an iron hand. For example, he ordered that all elderly people should be killed, but the Ewe managed to keep one old man in hiding; his name was Tegli. Also, King Ago Akoli ordered the Ewe to make a rope with clay (see Proverb #24).
Notsie was divided into separate quarters inhabited by members of the different migrating groups. Because of the king's repressive acts, the Ewe a secret plan to escape. Tatar (1973:4) writes, "Along with the need for more land and food, malcontents, inspired by the tyrannical rule of Agakoli (King of Notsie in the late 1600's) , instigated another general movement west and south. The groups that migrated are those that make up the Ewe tribe of today." The city of Notsie was encompassed by a 17' X 30' wall to protect its inhabitants from attack. This wall was a barrier to the Ewe in planning their escape However, they finally carried their plan through.
After several consultations with the old man Tegli at his hiding place, they came up with a plan. They instructed their women to throw water against one spot of the wall while washing their clothes and dishes. This plan was executed by the women. One day when the elders found that the wall was wet enough, they decided to implement the final stage of their plan. They gathered all their people together near the wet wall drumming and dancing. there was a lot of jubilation in the Ewe section of the city from the late afternoon throughout the night. About midnight, while the rest of the people of Notsie went tobed and music was going on, they went and brought Tegli, the brain behind the plot, from his hiding place. He call a few people to the wet wall and told them the essence of their gathering. He drew out the "Sword of Liberation" from its sheath, pointed it up, invoked the spirit of the gods and the ancestors and said a short prayer. Then he said, "O Mawuga Kitikata, wuwo na mi ne miadogo, azo adzo." (Oh great God "Kitikata," open the door for us so that we walk through.) With these words, Tegli thrust the "Sword of Liberation" into the wet wall and bored a big hole through which the Ewe escaped. Women, old men, and children were asked to leave first, while some youths and middle-aged men stayed behind drumming and dancing. After the others had all gone, the drummers and the few remaining dancers followed them. the last group walked backwards for two miles so that their footprints might not betray their whereabouts. the sword used by Tegli to bore the hole is said to be preserved to this day as part of the stool regalia of one of the chiefs of Ho, a town in Northern Eweland.
From Notsie the Ewe traveled together to a town which is now called Tsevi in the Republic of Togoland. It was there that they divided into different groups, one of which is the Anlo Ewe. The Anlo traveled from Tsevi as one unit, but later divided into two under the leadership of Wenya and his nephew Sri (Sroe) . After many discoveries and settlements, Wenya's group crossed a sandbar where he informed his followers, "mieva do kea ta" meaning they had reached the head or the tip of the sand. Subsequently, the settlement there was named keta. As they reached what is now present-day Anloga, Wenya was found to be aging and tiring. when his followers asked him when they were going to leave, he answered, "Nye amea menlo afia deke yiyi megale nunye o." ( I am exhausted, coiled and I can't go any further.) The name of this settlement was also taken after "Menlo" and was contracted to "Anlo." Being the capital of the whole Anlo nation, the adjective "ga" meaning big was added. Sri and his followers took the northern route off the Atlantic Coast and founded various communities on the northern shore of the great Keta Lagoon; prominent among them is a town called Fiaxo. Later on Sri joined his uncle, Wenya at Anloga. We do not know anything about the original inhabitants of these areas. However, it is believed that either they fled as the Anlo were coming, or became assimilated into Anlo population. This final migration saw the Anlo in their present homes by the early 1700's.
The Importance of Libations
Pouring libations is one of the oldest and most popular Northern Ewe rituals. In practically every town and village, libations are poured several times a day by people belonging to different segments of the society to mark a wide variety of occasions. Libations are poured to initiate an activity (such as a gathering of elders and chiefs) to celebrate good news (such a a woman's successful delivery of a child), and to welcome visitors. Meetings of traditional courts may begin with the pouring of libations, while some recreational groups pray before they begin to drum and dance.
Although prayers accompany the pouring of libations may assume different forms, there is a recognizable deep structure that constrains most of them.. This structure as four contiguous parts, which also confer a certain periodicity on the prayer as a whole: the invocation of gos and ancestors the prayer proper; the curse; and the blessing.
The invocation of the gods and ancestors. A libation begins with the solemn acknowledgment that others have passed before us, and that, although they now live "on the other side of the river," they continue to exert an influence on what we do. It is therefore with awe and respect that the departed are remembered. Among those remembered are chiefs and sub-chiefs, clan leaders, elders, and legendary figures.
The extent of the invocation is partly a function of the speaker's erudition and partly a function of the grandness of the occasion. A chief's spokesperson, for example, part of whose normal duty is to pour libations on formal, semi-formal or informal occasions, is likely to have committed to memory a significant part of a village's genealogy.
An important aspect of the attitudes to the invocation in particular, and to the prayer as a whole, is the sense of responsibility assumed by participants. Pouring libations is considered a communal responsibility, not an individual one. While the voice doing the narrating may be one person's, the "narrative voice" is a compound one. Should the narrator forget to mention an important ancestor's name, or forget to indicate an indispensable attribute of a god, one or more participants quick remind him of it. The belief is that, if an retributions should result from such memory lapses, they will be directed at the entire community, not just at the person praying. It is therefore the group's responsibility to forestall such retribution.
Although prayers accompany the pouring of libations may assume different forms, there is a recognizable deep structure that constrains most of them.. This structure as four contiguous parts, which also confer a certain periodicity on the prayer as a whole: the invocation of gos and ancestors the prayer proper; the curse; and the blessing.
The invocation of the gods and ancestors. A libation begins with the solemn acknowledgment that others have passed before us, and that, although they now live "on the other side of the river," they continue to exert an influence on what we do. It is therefore with awe and respect that the departed are remembered. Among those remembered are chiefs and sub-chiefs, clan leaders, elders, and legendary figures.
The extent of the invocation is partly a function of the speaker's erudition and partly a function of the grandness of the occasion. A chief's spokesperson, for example, part of whose normal duty is to pour libations on formal, semi-formal or informal occasions, is likely to have committed to memory a significant part of a village's genealogy.
An important aspect of the attitudes to the invocation in particular, and to the prayer as a whole, is the sense of responsibility assumed by participants. Pouring libations is considered a communal responsibility, not an individual one. While the voice doing the narrating may be one person's, the "narrative voice" is a compound one. Should the narrator forget to mention an important ancestor's name, or forget to indicate an indispensable attribute of a god, one or more participants quick remind him of it. The belief is that, if an retributions should result from such memory lapses, they will be directed at the entire community, not just at the person praying. It is therefore the group's responsibility to forestall such retribution.
Ewe Alphabet
Ewe is a tribal language spoken by the Ewe tribes with about 3 million speakers in Ghana, Togo and Benin.
The Ewe is a tonal language with four tones; a rising tone marked by an accute (é), a falling tone marked by a grave accent (è), a falling-rising tone marked by a caron accent (?) and a rising-falling accent marked by circumflex accent (ê). However, the tones are not always marked.
Although the Ewe has been described as a single language group, there are considerable dialectic variations. Some of these dialects are mutually understood, but sometimes with difficulty.
The Ewe is a tonal language with four tones; a rising tone marked by an accute (é), a falling tone marked by a grave accent (è), a falling-rising tone marked by a caron accent (?) and a rising-falling accent marked by circumflex accent (ê). However, the tones are not always marked.
Although the Ewe has been described as a single language group, there are considerable dialectic variations. Some of these dialects are mutually understood, but sometimes with difficulty.
The Ewe have developed a complex culture around drumming. Ewe believe that if someone is a good drummer, it is because they inherited a spirit of an ancestor who was a good drummer. Music and dance are a force in cementing social feeling among members of an Agbekor society.
In general, Ewe drums are constructed like barrels with wooden staves and metal rings, or carved from a single log. They are played with sticks and hands, and often fulfill roles that are traditional to the family. The 'child' or 'baby brother' drum, kagan, usually plays on the off beats in a repeated pattern that links directly with the bell and shaker ostinatos. The 'mother' drum, kidi, usually has a more active role in the accompaniment. It responds to the larger sogo or 'father' drum. The entire ensemble is led by the atsimevu or 'grandfather' drum, largest of the group.
Lyrical songs are more prevalent in the southern region. In the north, flutes and drums generally take the place of the singer's voice.
Ewe Dancing
The Ewe have an intricate collection of dances, which vary between geographical regions and other factors.
- Adevu (Ade - hunting, Vu - dance). This is a professional dance that celebrates the hunter.
- The Agbadza, is traditionally a war dance but is now used in social and recreational situations to celebrate peace.
- The Atsiagbekor is a contemporary version of the Ewe war dance Atamga (Great (ga) Oath (atama) in reference to the oaths taken by people before proceeding into battle.
- The Atsia dance, which is performed mostly by women, is a series of stylistic movements dictated to dancers by the lead drummer.
- The Bɔbɔɔbɔ dance is generally performed at funerals and other social occasions. This is a social dance with a great deal of room for free expression.
- The Gabada dance was originally juju and not a social dance. Its original use was as part of a ritual used by men for seducing women.
- Agahu is both the name of a dance and of one the many secular music associations (clubs) of the Ewe people of Ghana, Togo, and Dahomey.
- Gota uses the mystical calabash drum of Benin, West Africa. It was originally called "drum of the dead" and was played only at funerals. It is now performed for social entertainment.
Young Dancer
The Origins of Kete Cloth
AFEVO means "home cloth" in Ewe language, (contrasted with exclusively commercial handweaves asivo, "market cloth"). The difference afevo / asivo is not in the afevo not sold in the market (afevo could be sold in the market), it is in afevo being ordered at home, used locally and being in its quality always protected. Quality yarn is used in afevo. Asivo is anything thrown into the market, with little attention to quality and design.
AdanuTechnique
Kadada Technique
Vusatsa Technique
Kogavi Technique
Kpevi Technique
Novi Technique
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